


^Jf 



F 866 

CoDv/ 1 'The purpose of the government is to hold the scale of justice 

ti even hand; to treat all alike; to do violence to the rights of none; 

I by insuring justice, and only justice, to the strong man, we will 

be certain that nothing less than justice shall be done the weak."—* 

[Franklin K. Lane, in speech at Los Angeles, September 25.] 




FRANKLIN K, LANE 

Democratic Nominee for 
GOVERNOR 



Some Reasons Why Franklin K* Lane 

and the Democratic Ticket Should 

Be Elected. 

ISSUED BY THE DEMOCRATIC STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE 
B. D. MURPHY, 

Chairman, State Central Committee. 
AL. McCABE, Secretary, 

A. CAMINETTI, 
Chairman Campaign Committee. 



THK STAR l-RKSS C^^^^ *zt> lio<IT<^-y: 



,173? 



iJ 9 1904 
O.ofD. 



FRANKLIN K. LANE'S OPENING ADDRESS. 



The Democratic campaign was opened in San Francisco on 
the evening of September 13, 1902, with an immense meeting 
at the Alhambra Theater. Ex-Governor J. H. Budd acted as 
chairman, and the speakers were Franklin K. Lane, Samuel 
Butler, Thomas J. Geary and James V. Coleman. 

As Chairman Budd accompanied Hon. Franklin K. Lane to 
the front of the stage the audience manifested great enthu- 
siasm. Flags waved, men shouted and ladies generously 
joined in the applause. 

Mr. Lane spoke as follows: 
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 

There may be men who do not like that kind of noise, but 1 
^m not one of them. I have seen men, candidates and political 
speakers raise the^r hand in deprecation at such manifesta- 
tions of appreciation, as if desirous to hush the audience to 
silence, but when they have failed, I always have noticed they 
wore a smile of satisfaction on their faces. 

The man in public life is not so stuffed and crammed with 
evidences of public appreciation that he has a surfeit and that 
he cries "Hold; enough!" I have been looking over this audi- 
ence to^night as I sat in one corner, looking down into your 
faces, and I know that when the applause went up for me, it 
was from your hearts. That is what moves me; that is why 
I appreciate it, and I will tell you that appreciation manifested 
in that way stands off and compensates for many a hard word, 
and many a bad time in a political campaign. As I looked 
over this audience, I saw the men who had put me into this 



fight. They do not sit here on the platform. They are sitting 
out there, and up here (pointing). 

I am in the fight for Governor to-day because when I went 
after the last campaign, as has been my custom for three 
campaigns, to the gas works, to the sugar refineries, to the iron 
works, down on the wharves, up along North Beach into the 
factories, and through the cooperages, and said to these men 
who had stood so loyally by me then and in two preceding 
campaigns: "My friends, I thank you. I thank you for your 
support," they said to me: ''We don't want to vote for you 
for City Attorney again; why not give us a chance to vote for 
vou for Governor next time." That is the reason why I am 
here to-nioht. You put me into this fight, I am making your 
ficrht I have won the battle so far, and if you will stay with 
m*e, I will take the next hurdle and make it altogether. 
REPRESENTS NO FACTION. 

When I started out to make my campaign in San Francisco 
I found comparatively little sympathy among ^^^^^ gentlemen 
who are called practical Politicians. I reached out 
for the Democrats in the country districts, and I 
found them far more sympathetic. ^hen they came to 
the convention at Sacramento they were for Lane, ana 
hose b"ve and independent men stood by -^ to success and 
mv heart will always warm with gratitude for them because, 
?f virtue ^ their support, their strength and their backing 
I am here to-night as the candidate of the Democratic party 
for^he Mghest^office in the gift of the people of this State^ 
Those that were against me there are with me here. I am 
proud to sa, I repiesent no faction, no element in the party. 
I am baclid to-night, backed literally, by Jim Budd and all the 
oth" Jims and Toms and Bills, and everybody else who is a 
Democrat I made mv fight for the nomination, and I have 
^oTe out of it without making a pledge, without selling my^ 
sel7 w thout trading a vote, and without losing a spark of 
manhood--a free and independent man, who owns himself and 

"?rtm wTo^mf s'urprising things about me in the next 
six wedi I expect. I have heard some surprising things 
nbouT myself in the last six days. I shall not recognize my own 
nor^raU a? the end of this campaign, I am sure Rumors, 
faSocS a d all those things rise from a political campaign 
as mosquitoes from a fresh water swamp. Some wise French- 
mVn sam that politics was male gossip. The ladies have their 
afternoon teas and their card parties and men have politic. 

Let me -ive vou a suggestion as to the policy to follow m 
these fTw'weekl of the Campaign, for I am not now making 



mand"" Tf!p^1f f/^'^'' l\' conventions of the occasion de- 
neiglibois the men who have been with me before aid I 

ta k to YOU. Let me give .vou a line of policy to follow If 
you hear anything creditable about me believe it: and ^" you 
hear anything that is discreditable, put it dowa as an Infernal 

A THREE TIME WINNER. 

fa/s^""! j!f Tiw 't 7" *""" ^^^^'^' ^^^^^^ ^^^^^ I know are 
raise, lou know I have run three times for office in San 
Francisco, and thrice been elected. Tho«e three tSiesT have 
had the support of the laboring classes, because, pi imarHv 
those men are men of sympathy-and I do not know^Tthat 
this sympathy is best. I have run three times for office Was 
It ever suggested to you in any of those campaigns whenTou 
voted for me, that I was any man's man? I was offered 
the nomination for ly^vor of San Francisco on the Demo 
cratic ticket last year, and I declined it. Why Becaus? I 
had said I would stand for City Attorney. I had told the 
Umon Labor party that, and I was not going back on my word 
Was It suggested then that I was some man's man. Wh^n I 

me and?4n"r"'^'^' '^T'' ^^^^^^ "^^'^ ^^^'^-^ open to 
tTeV d n LZ! '° alongside of the union candidates Did 

mariottte' xlTV ""T '^^ ^^"^'^ ^^'^°'' «ome political 
maiionette.> And after the last campaign the men of the 
Typographical Union gave me the proud honor of naming me 
an honorary member of that union. Was it suo-aested th^n 

FraSco tha/Tl' '^' ''^"' "' ^^ '^^^ oth^r^mlf in'san' 
i^rancisco that I was any man's man; that I wore any man's 

collar; that_ I was willing to make the slightest sacrifice in 
order to gain a political honor? You know what I have n 
mind, every one of you, and I want to sav to you that I am as 
independent as any man who sits in this hall, for I have made 
no pledges. No man controls me; no man ever will direct mv 
nfedlr^""'- I ^^".^ot make pledges. I do not ma"e 
pledges to gam nominations, and I will not make pledges to 
gam elections. I do not propose to make any campaign goin^ 

rom county to county dealing out political offices in retm^ fo? 
support. If men do not say to me, "Lane, you are a Democrat- 
you are a man of brave, human sympathy; you are a man 
whose face is turned to the future, whose eye has hope inT° 
If they do not choose to come and say that to me, and stand 
beside me in this fight, unless I bow down to them and s °y 

Take this office as a bribe for your support," I will have noYe 



I have blood within mv veins, and there is a goodly propor- 
tion of red corpuscles in that blood. I know men when they are 
ray friends, and I want to say to you there is nothing that 
touches me so, in the little that I have seen in political life, 
as this; that while it is a game in which men can be mean, 
contemptible and dastardlv, it is a game also that brings out 
the finer, better and nobler qualities. I know why some men 
are in politics to their own financial loss, because they find 
it is a o-reat big man's game, which calls for men to fight it, 
and they want to stand beside their fellows and do the battle. 

Do I need say anything more to you on the proposition that 
I am independent? " You believe me, do you not? Have I ever 
been false to you in any way? Have I ever stood on a platform 
and said a fa'lsehood to you? Then I appeal to you as friends 
of mine, as loyal men, as gentlemen, as American citizens, 
whether you are of mv party or not, go forth and put your 
blight on' a lie by which it is attempted to cast a blight on a 
man's political future and his life. 

SENATOR BEVERIDGE. 

The Republican campaign is to be opened in San Francisco 
on Monday evening by one of the most distinguished members 
of the United States Senate, Senator Beveridge of Indiana. I 
ht)pe that vou gentlemen will go to hear him, because we wish 
always to show California hospitality to our visitors. You will 
be well repaid, because Senator Beveridge makes one of the 
finest talks that man ever listened to. He is a beautiful 
speaker. He makes a speech, as Mr. Dooley says, that you 
can waltz to. He will tell you a great many reasons why you 
men of San Francisco, who own property here and have inter- 
ests in California, should support a Republican for Governor 
of this State. It takes a man from Indiana to have the nerve 
to do that. He will tell you, for one thing, I presume, that you 
are all prosperous and happy, and he will say that you should 
be cvraieful to the Republican party for all the things that 
God has given you. He may speak to you about the full dinner 
pail and' he may, incidentally to his remarks on the full dinner 
pail! speak of the situation back in Pennsylvania. 

Thev talk about organized labor, my friends. I want to 
point out to vou that that strike back in Pennsylvania is one 
of the most remarkable events in all history. There are 200,000 
men— more men than there are in San Francisco, Sacramento 
and Oakland and San Jose, and Los Angeles all combined— 
• 200 000 men out of work fighting, not for butter on their bread, 
but' for another slice of plain bread— 200,000 men, Huns, and 
Poles illiterate, but members of a union, and they have been 
peaceful, quiet, respectful, law-abiding citizens, and I do not 



believe that history records such another case. That is the 
result of modern organization of labor. 

STATE ISSUES. 

But I suppose that in a talk such as this I should say some- 
thing to you upon the broad State issues that we have pre- 
sented in our platform. I do not know whether you have read 
that platform or not. If you have not my advice is that you 
get it and read it. It is probably the best declaration of 
modern advanced Democratic principles that has ever been 
made in the United States. We know how our Republican 
friends have chided us for a long while that the policy of the 
Democratic party was a policy of negation; that we were cast- 
ing reproaches on the other fellow, but had nothing to say 
for ourselves. Well, we have a platform now that is full of 
affirmation; a platform that has set up broad lines of policy 
which this State should follow. Let them attack that platform 
in this campaign. 

REVIEW OF THE PLATFORM. 

The platform adopted by the Democratic convention at Sac- 
ramento is one to which every Democrat can give unhesitating 
allegiance and every independent voter give willing and cordial 
support. It is broad enough indeed for all Californians to 
stand on, and we can safely invite all of our fellow citizens to 
come up and stand with us on election day and make it 
unanimous. 

The planks of the platform divide themselves into three 
classes— first, those that reaffirm the loyalty of California 
Democrats to the fundamental principles of Democracy that 
have been sustained by generation after generation of Demo- 
crats from the days of Jefferson down through those of Jack- 
son and Douglas and Tilden to our own time; second, those 
which emphatically declare the sympathy of Democracy with 
the rights of labor in the industrial struggle that is now going 
on; third, those which set forth a comprehensive programme 
of legislation for the advancement of California and the 
interests of her people. 

To each and all of these planks I give a hearty and unre- 
strained pledge of fidelity and zeal. Those which reaffirm the 
great constitutional principles of our party ought to be read 
and pondered carefully by every citizen. Those principles 
have been of great import to the Republic at every crisis of 
its history, but they were never more important ithan now. 
In these days of loose construction of the constitution and of 
law, when extremists on each side are seeking to use the 
powers of government to advance class interests, it is im- 



perative that the great body of Americans bold fast to the 
constitution and to that Democratic doctrine of indisputable 
justice, that this government was founded for the benefit of 
all and not for the aggrandizement of a few. So far as that 
doctrine is maintained by a resolute majority of the voters 
there can be no strife among Americans, but if it be set 
aside and the Government be used for the promotion of 
class interest or ambitions, there can be nothing else but 
strife. Democracy holds the balance fairly between all fac- 
tions and by offering nothing beyond justice to the strong 
assures the weakest that he also shall have justice. 
PROUD OF DEMOCRACY. 

It is a matter of gratification to me that as I advance in 
years I find nothing in my studies of history, nor anything in 
my personal experience that does not confirm me in my al- 
legiance to Democratic principles. The sympathies which 
led me to join the Democratic party in my youth have been 
strengthened by all that my reason has taught me since. The 
path in which I began to walk was, to my youthful under- 
standing, hardly more than a party path, but I have seen it 
broaden and widen into a great highway of political truth 
along which can march the whole American people through 
all generations to come. It is a broad middle road of political 
safety. It has no promise to the extremists of any class or 
party; but it has the best of all promises to the whole country 
— the promise and guarantee of giving equal rights to all and 
special privileges to none. 
PREVAILING PROSPERITY UNEQUAL iN ITS BLESSINGS. 

Upon those planks of the platform which deal with the 
relation of labor to the industrial conditions of our time, I 
believe every true American can firmly stand. They ask 
nothing but what is embodied in the divine declaration, 'The 
laborer is worthy of his hire." A fair day's wage for a fair 
day's work is the right of every man, and surely no American 
will dispute the proposition that every workingman has a 
right to a full share in the prosperity which his work has 
helped to procure for the nation. Our platform demands that 
the hours of labor be shortened, the burden lightened and the 
wages increased. Such demands under present conditions are 
not unfair. In the prevailing prosperity the cost of living 
has been increased and it is but right that the wages of the 
workers should increase in proportion. Prosperity created by 
the joint labors of all should be like the sunshine that falls 
witli equal warmth and brightness upon the cottages of the 
poor and the mansions of the rich. It should carry a blessing 
to every home and to every heart. It should be as universal 



as the air, and every man should breathe it in with the breath 
of life. 

TRIBUTE TO LABOR. 

In this desire to bring about a fair division of the profits of 
industry and the benefits of prosperity, we cannot overlook the 
plain fact that the chief agent in achieving that desire has 
been organized labor. The men who have built up the labor 
unions and who have sustained them through good repute 
and through ill repute, have done more to equalize American 
industrial conditions than all the rest of us put together, and 
it is but just that Democracy, whose political principles can 
be sustained only by men who are resolute to maintain their 
rights, should at this juncture join with organized labor in 
its struggle to obtain an equal share in the common pros- 
perity. Should plutocracy triumph in the industrial world 
there could be no longer a democracy in the world of politics, 
other parties may or may not promise much to labor; 
other parties may or may not do much for labor; but 
Democracy is bound both to promise and to do all in its 
power to advance the just claims of the workingman, for 
Democracy and labor are bound together by bands irrefragable 
and not to be broken. Bands forged in the furnaces of Nature 
herself bound them together in the beginning and will hold 
them together till the end of time. United they stand, but 
divided they fall, and it is not one of them only that falls — 
they fall together. 

The third class of resolutions in the platform — those which 
deal with the material interests of California — are those which 
more directly concern me as a candidate for the office of 
Governor. The occupant of that office is but indirectly con- 
cerned with national politics and with legislation. His duty is 
to promote by faithful administration the welfare of the State 
and to enforce with impartial justice the laws enacted by 
the representatives of the people. The strictly Californian 
planks in the platform are therefore those to which I must 
chiefly address myself in asking your suffrage. I know that 
national politics offers a larger and fuller theme for a speaker, 
and that in dealing with its issues there is a greater oppor- 
tunity for eloquence. 

LOVES CALIFORNIA. 

But I am a Californian, I love the State, I delight in meditat- 
ing upon its golden possibilities; I have no higher ambition 
than to be instrumental in helping to bring these possibilities 
to a glorious realization, and I therefore turn to this theme 
with a feeling of gratification in the very fact that I stand 



before you as Democracy's candidate for Governor of Cali- 
fornia. 

Our platform pledges us to promote our mineral industries 
of every kind; to conserve our waters and forests; to further 
the practice of irrigation; to improve the public highways; to 
advance the cause of education in every department from the 
primary school to the University; to further all agricultural 
interests; to liberally support the county and State fairs; to 
establish State, count}' and municipal administration upon the 
basis of merit, and to provide for the just assessment and 
taxation of the property of corporations. 

This programme, briefly and hurriedly stated, is the most 
(comprehensive that has ever been undertaken in California 
politics. Any single feature of it constitutes a vast work. 
Great as it is, however, it is not too great for California nor for 
her opportunities; neither is it too great for me to pledge 
myself to, if I can be assured of the support of my fellow- 
citizens. ' 

MINING INTERESTS. 

In advancing the interests of our miners we have a right 
to ask the assistance of the National Government. It is a 
singular fact that while America is the greatest mining 
country in the world, ours is the only first-class nation that 
makes no adequate provision for governmental supervision of 
mining. At the present time the direction of mines and min- 
ing in this country, so far as the Government directs them at 
all, is scattered through half a dozen bureaus, divided among 
several distinct departments of State. The mining men have 
repeatedly asked for the creation of a department of mines 
and miners, and California as the chief mining State in the 
Union may rightly take the lead in asking that justice. We 
have also a right to ask for the full co-operation of the Na- 
tional Government in providing for the construction of barriers 
that will prevent the debris of the mines from injuring the 
streams and the lands of the valleys. The wealth of gold 
which California has poured into the National Treasury jus- 
tifies us in asking the national appropriations for that work; 
and in asking them we can give the assurance that if the 
redemption of our rivers be guaranteed along with free and un 
trammeled mining, the wealth which we shall hereafter add to 
the golden store of the Union will be even vaster than that 
already bestowed. 

It is on the preservation of our forests and the wise con- 
servation of our waters that the future prosperity of the State 
mainly depends. The Democratic party is in a special sense 
charged with the work of irrigation, for it was the Democratic 



party under the lead of Democratic statesmen that brought (he 
whole of this great West, including our own Golden State, 
under the starry flag; Democracy furnished the pioneers that 
built it up and Democracy owes it to the present and to 
coming generations to provide for the irrigation necessary to 
enable California and the West to become what they are 
destined to be, the granary and the orchard of the peoples, 
the garden of the world. 

A PROUD HERITAGE. 

My fellow Democrats. I am loath to close when speaking on 
this theme. California and her possibilities, as disclosed in 
the plain opportunities of the present, is a subject that thrills 
me with exultant hope, and I never weary in expatiating upon 
it. I share with every one of you the patriotic pride of being 
an American, but even when I am most sensitive to the in- 
tluences of our national greatness and glory, there is ever 
conscious in my brain and in my heart a sentiment of proud 
joy that I am not only an American but a Californian. There 
is nothing in the State that is alien to me. I love its moun 
tains and its valleys, its sunshine and its fogs. I wish to feel 
that I am helping to make it prosperous and advancing its 
great career. I can wish to leave to my son no better heritage 
than this, that when he grows up to be a man and sees our 
California forty years from now, perceives all its beauties and 
its glories, sees its workingmen higher paid and lesser burd- 
ened than any others in the world, sees its labor and capital 
united and harmonious and maintaining just and equal laws, 
sees its mountain streams washing forth the hidden gold of 
the mines, then as they roll down in a thousand cateracts 
set in motion the electric energy that is to turn the wheels of 
industry in our cities and light the streets of traffic, next 
spread themselves over the fields to start the blossom, to ripen 
the fruits of orchard and vineyard, and finally flow on 
through deep, clear channels down the rivers bearing vessels to 
the sea — that when he sees all that, and beholds its beauty and 
knows its value, he shall be able to say: "My father helped to 
bring all this about; he was one of the workers worthy of 
his hire; one of the fighters who in the struggle for Democratic 
equality fought the good fight and kept the faith." 

That is the eulogy that I want, and I want to be worthy of 
such a eulogy. It rests in jour hands, my friends, to say 
whether I shall have that opportunity or not. 



LANE STATES HIS POSITION. 



Is Interviewed by E. H. Hamilton, of the Examiner, and Answers 
Questions Relating to State Issues. 



BY E. H. HAMILTON. 

To me, Franklin K. Lane always was serious and thoughtful. 
It is such men who come to high position when their serious- 
ness is backed by ability; and I don't suppose any one ques- 
tions the ability of Lane. 

He has the better of me by four years in the matter of age, 
and he says that when he was washing ink rollers on the Oak- 
land "Times" and I was a full-fledged reporter on the 
"Tribune" of the same city he regarded me as having already 
achieved distinction. Still, I cannot remember the time when 
I did not regard Lane with that respect which a lad who is 
saucily cocking his hat in the face of the world always has for 
his fellow who is honestly grinding away at the perplexing 
problems. 

Evidently Lane made up his mind in his very early years 
that life is not much picnic and very little vaudeville. He 
was a messenger boy for the Western Union Telegraph Com- 
pany in Napa. Possibly he used to bat sky-balls in the vacant 
lot when he had a telegram in his pocket awaiting delivery, 
but I don't believe it. I can't fancy Lane skylarking when 
he had work to do. 

When he became a clerk in the store of Thompson & Beard 
in Napa there were a good many people in the neighborhood 
who spoke Spanish. So Lane set about picking up some 
Spanish, that he might the better trade with these folk of the 
countryside. That was at an age, mind you, when most lads 
are prinking for the eyes of the girls, and are far more con- 
cerned about the pimples that precede the beard than 
about acquiring a soft speech for the purpose of driving hard 
bargains. 

HE HAMMERED HIS WAY. 

Then he came down to Oakland and went to the high school. 
Of course he went into the debating society. A boy of his bent 
naturally would find joy in tackling those problems which 
wrinkle the brows of statesmen and ruin the eyes of scientists. 
In other words, he had a natural liking for brain work at an 
age when some of us had begun to think it was smart to get 
tipsy and to play poker. 



13 

There wasn't much chance for Lane to unlimber and paint 
the town after his high school days. He became a printer's 
devil. There's no fun in that. I've been one myself. He 
cleaned rollers, and swept the office and ran errands, and 
learned to set type. I, too, ^'had my nose in tlie space-box" for 
several grinding years. There's something wrong with the 
man who has taken that course in the college of necessity 
and then forgets how to kindle with sympathy for every effort 
of the toiler to better his condition. I don't believe there's 
anything wrong with Lane. 

I can readily fancy that Lane, after he became an employer 
of printers, honestly won his honorary card in the Typographi- 
cal Union. The printer man is over-worked and underpaid, my 
masters, to this day; but he was in much worse condition when 
Lane was at the case, because the union had little power save 
in the big newspaper offices. 

But Lane had no notion of letting a High School education 
serve him through life. He entered the class of '86 at the 
University of California. He couldn't be carried to a sheepskin 
"on flowery beds of ease." He had to work his way. So he 
arranged to take the lessons and lectures of his course in the 
forenoons. Then, in the afternoons and evenings he set type or 
wrote articles for the papers. On the same grim conditions he 
hammered his way through the Hastings College of the Law. 
A man has to be serious when he is rowing against the tide in 
that fashion. 

TALKER AND WRITER. 

As early as 1886 he took to the political platform, making 
his maiden speech for Bartlett and Democracy at Santa Cruz. 
In that campaign he spoke with Tom Geary at Santa Rosa. 
People began to know that here was a young man with a head 
on his shoulders. In 1888 he was active in the Young Men's 
Democratic Club, which was fighting Chris Buckley. He kept 
pegging away at newspaper work while trying to get a foothold 
in the law. Then we heard of him in New York, writing edi- 
torials for the "Herald" and corresponding for a San Francisco 
paper. 

Going to Tacoma, he got hold of the "News," fought against 
the boodlers and for the cause of unionism. He was a good 
newspaper man. I had occasion to know that. Once upon a 
time I spent several unhappy months as managing editor of 
"The Examiner." The Southern Pacific thought it a good time 
to attack us. Reaching out for talent to carry the war into the 
enemy's territory, 1 got hold of Lane, who was back from Ta- 
coma. There was some good fighting. They were glad to quit. 
Lane was a vigorous and resourceful scrapper. I've had a 



H 

great respect for his abilities and much admiration for his 
honesty ever since. 

In polities Lane is a seasoned campaigner. The party's 
thoughtful meh in the East know him and regard him highly. 
He was the friend of Russell in Massachusetts and of Pattison 
in Pennsylvania. He has been on the stump in both those 
States and in New York. He knows that campaigning is 
something more than making a speech. The Union Iron \\'orks 
mechanics said he was the first man who ever came back there 
after the election to thank them for helping him into office. 
Perhaps that sort of thing made his subsequent elections easy. 
And he seems to wear about the same sized hat he did when I 
lirst knew him. 

AS A BASEBALL ENTHUSIAST. 

There isvonly one occasion when he seems to forget the seri- 
ousness of the game of life and that is when he is looking at 
a game of baseball. Then he becomes a persistent and declara- 
tive "rooter." He used to be captain of the Hastings Law 
College nine and you'll often find him on the benches out at 
Eighth and Harrison streets, generally with Judge John Hunt. 
I fear that occasionally he lets out a good, resounding yell 
when the ball goes over the right-field fence. 

He is much at home with his wife and boy, cares nothing for 
clubs or club life, and while not much of a *'jiner" holds mem- 
bership in the Foresters and Woodmen. If he has a special 
economic hobby it is irrigation, in which he became interested 
during the Stoneman riparian-irrigation extra session of the 
Legislature in 1886. 

I have never heard any man or any boy accuse Franklin K. 
Lane of a mean or a dishonorable act. Beyond this brief esti- 
mate of his character the reader may get some line on his 
manner of thought by reading his answers to some questions I 
submitted to him the other day — questions bearing directly 
on topics and issues of the present campaign. 

He's not a bad fellow on any side of him, and if you had to 
select a companion for crossing a desert, Lane would be square 
and even generous about the water and the grub. 



QUESTIONS ASKED MR. LANE. 

1 — ^A'hat do you consider the most imi)ortant State issues? 

'2 — What are j'our views on the Chinese question? 

?> — fn case you are elected Governor and there should be a 
strike of workingmen, what would be your attitude? W^ould 
you call out the militia to aid one side of the strike, or keep the 
iforces of the law impartial? 



15 ■ 

4— What is your attitude toward the Southern Pacific Rail- 
road and allied corporations? 

5 — How do you stand on the ownership of public utilities? 

y— What is your attitude toward the hibor unions and work- 
in gmen generally? 

7 — How^ did you acquire citizenship? 

8 — Have you always voted with the Democratic party? 



MR. LANE'S ANSWERS. 

What do you consider the most important State issue? 
IRRIGATION. 

The purpose of the State government should be to advance 
the interests of the people of the State. It is my belief, and 
has been for twenty years, that no one thing would conduce as 
greatly to the prosperity of California as the adoption and 
putting into effect of a complete and modern code of laws 
touching the storage and use for irrigation purposes of the 
waters of the State. The lands of California, properly irri- 
gated, are capable of sustaining twenty to thirty million peo- 
ple. We have allowed and we are allowing the water which is 
a vital necessity to the use of the land to be so appropriated as 
not to be of the fullest possible benefit to the State. The 
forests must be preserved, the waters must be stored and the 
lands that need irrigation must have the right by law to the 
use of this water. This is a programme which will require 
years to carry out, but a beginning should now be made and be 
made upon right lines. 

FOR THE MINER. 

Another method which we may follow in the general scheme 
for advancing the prosperity of this State is to permit the con- 
tinuation of placer and hydraulic mining in the mountains, and 
it is the duty of the National and State governments to erect 
such barriers as will prevent the debris from clogging our 
navigable streams and ruining the agricultural lands adjoin- 
ing. The two greatest of our resources are our mines and our 
fields, and we should not be so near-sighted or so improvident 
as to neglect any course now which would retard the develop- 
ment of these great natural resources. 

The Governor of the State is not the Legislature. Tt is his 
function primarily to suggest matters of legislation, and to 
approve or disapprove of bills passed by the Legislature. 1 
shall endeavor, if elected, to make the State Government of 
use to our people by putting on foot enterprises of a State 
character, which will bring growth, increased population and 
greater wealth to the State. 1 should call to my assistance 
men who are experts along lines of progressive legislation, and 



i6 

ask them to pass upon measures proposed, and to present to 
me and to the Legislature such measures as they might deem 
the most practicable upon the various subjects of State de- 
velopment. 

LABOR BUREAU AND FREE MARKET. 

Two other matters of importance suggest themselves to me. 
One is the establishment of a free market upon the watei- 
front of this city, wherein the fruit raisers and the farmers of 
all adjoining counties may deal directly with the small buyers. 
And another is the establishment of a free labor bureau, such 
as exists in many other cities and most countries of Europe, 
wherein the person seeking employment may come into direct 
contact with the person desiring help without expense to 
either. We have the machinery already partially organized 
for such a bureau, and by a slight additional expense it could 
be made of the greatest practical value to the working classes 
and the employers. 

There is only one issue in a State campaign, and that is how 
best to promote the interest of the State through State legis- 
lation and State administration. We want an honest govern- 
ment and an economical government. We should see that we 
get a dollar's worth of labor and a dollar's worth of material 
for every dollar that we expend; but we should not hesitate 
to expend a dollar when by so doing we can insure a tenfold 
return to the people. 

THE CHINESE QUESTION AND STRIKES. 

What are your views on the Chinese question? 

I am in favor of the complete and entire exclusion of the 
Chinese under the bill drafted by the Anti-Chinese Commission 
and the Federation of Labor. From a study of the present law 
passed by the present Congress, I believe that it is not such 
an exclusion law as the necessities of the situation require or 
the people of this Coast demand. 

In case you are elected Governor and there should be a strike of 
workingmen, what would be your attitude — would you call out the 
militia to the aid of one side of the strike or keep the forces of the 
law impartial? 

The militia should not be used to settle strikes; but should 
be used solely for the protection of life and property. All the 
forces of the State should certainly be held impartial. I would 
use all of my influence to bring about a peaceable settlement 
of such disputes. 



17 

AS TO RAILROADS. 

What is your attitude toward the Southern Pacific and allied cor- 
porations? 

I believe in fair treatment for all corporations, as for all in- 
dividuals. The more railroads that we have in this State the 
better for us; but they should keep out of politics, and rely, 
not upon political manipulation or the use of money for their 
protection. The people of California are neither illiberal nor 
unjust, but they resent any attempt at dictation by corpor- 
ations. It is my belief that the policy inaugurated many years 
ago of appealing to the venality of legislators and officials 
rather than to the right reason and the good conscience of the 
people, was unfortunate alike for the railroad and the State. 
We now have two transcontinental railroads in this State, and 
we will soon have a third. The State of Washington, to the 
north of us, is better supplied with transcontinental railroad 
facilities than we; and more railroads will certainly come into 
this State. I believe in making them pay for what they get and 
allowing them to take nothing to which they are not entitled. 
My attitude toward such corporations has been made manifest 
during my four years of office; and I think I have demonstrated 
that a man may be successful in public life who is not the 
servant of the corporations, nor yet their enemy. 

OWNERSHIP OF PUBLIC UTILITIES. 

How do you stand on the question of ownership of public utilities? 

I favor public ownership and have written extensively 
in its advocacy for the past fifteen years. Such utilities to be 
successfully managed must be kept out of politics, and must be 
under the direction of well paid and expert men. 

THE LABOR UNIONS. 
What is your attitude toward the labor unions and workingmen 
generally? 

I was made an honorary member of the Tacoma Typographi- 
cal Union ten years or more ago, when I was an employer of 
labor and not in politics. I have recently been made a member 
of the San Francisco Typographical Union. Organized labor 
is, to my mind, one of the most effective civilizing agencies of 
the day.*^ The organization of labor makes for a higher type of 
manhood and a more responsible citizenship. President Koose- 
velt said the other day when he was made an honorary member 
of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, that labor unions 
had never asked him to do a thing which in good conscience 
he could not do. That is my own experience. 

I need not say that, like all other men who have had to 
struggle for themselves — for I have made my own way since I 



i8 

was sixteen years of age — I have great sympathy with the 
wage-worker. I know him perhaps better than most men who 
are in my profession; and I believe him to be more intelligent, 
more capable and more worthy of entire confidence than do 
those who have not had my experience. The nobler qualities 
in man are neither the product of a university education, nor 
of the possession of wealth, and if men have not had the ad- 
vantages of higher education and are not fortunately possessed 
of the money-making faculty, it does not argue in the slightest 
that they are not capable of passing a sound and sober judg- 
ment, or that they are in any way lacking in any of those 
qualities which make good fathers, good husbands and good 
citizens. 

NOT A CONTROLLED VOTE. 
There is much nonsense talked in political campaigns about 
this man or that man having the labor vote. The working 
classes are individuals, and I believe they resent the claim on 
the part of any candidate for office that he, in any way, can 
command their support. Abraham Lincoln, in his first annual 
message, said: "Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could 
never have existed if labor had not first existed; labor is the su- 
perior of capital and deserves much the higher consideration." 
We may not, therefore, pass over with indifference or disregard 
the claim which labor makes upon our consideration. 

How did you acquire citizenship? 

By virtue of my father's citizenship. I have been a resident 
of the State of California since seven years of age, excepting 
during a brief absence in Xew York and Washington. 

Have you always voted with the Democratic party? 

Yes; and I have always supported the Democratic ticket 
by word, by pen and by contribution. I have spoken in all but 
one campaign in this State since I was of age, and have also 
participated in campaigns in Massachusetts, New York, Penn- 
sylvania and Washington. I have never sought any office 
other than the one which I now hold and that for which T 
am now a candidate. 



PLATFORM. 

\ 

DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES AS LAID DOWN IN THE 
PLATFORM. 



In common with all citizens of this Nation, we deeply deplore the 
death of the late President William McKinley, and we tender our 
heartfelt sympathy and condolence to his beloved and devoted wife. 

The Democratic party, in State convention assembled, recognizes 
that as the Nation grows older new issues are born of time and old 
issues perish; but the fundamental principles of democracy advocated 
from Jefferson's time to our own will ever remain as the best security 
for the continuance of free government. 

Among these principles are: Freedom of speech, freedom of the 
press, freedom of conscience, the preservation of personal rights, 
the largest freedom of the individual consistent with good govern- 
ment, the equality of all persons before the law, the preservation of 
the Federal Government in its constitutional vigor and the support 
of the States in all their just rights, economy in public expenditures, 
maintenance of the public faith, and opposition to paternalism and 
all class legislation. 

The Democratic party has ever maintained and ever will maintain 
the supremacy of law, the independence of its judicial administration, 
the inviolability of contracts, and the obligation of all good citizens 
to resist every illegal trust, combination or conspiracy against the 
just rights of property, and the rights and liberties of the citizen, in 
which are bound up the peace and happiness of the people. 
THE TARIFF. 

We denounce the present unjust protective tariff imposed upon 
the people by the Republican party, and demand such a revision of our 
tariff laws as will result in the removal of all unjust burdens and the 
placing of trust-made goods and the necessaries of life upon the free 
list. 

We believe in a tariff for revenue only. W^e are opposed to all 
schemes of tariff legislation the design of which is to collect large 
sums of monew in excess of the actual requirements of the Govern- 
ment, economically administered. 

TRUSTS AND COMBINATIONS. 

We denounce private monopoly in every form, and are emphatically 
opposed to those combinations or aggregations of capital commonly 
called "trusts," whereby the price of commodities is arbitrarily en- 
hanced, without reference to the factors of supply and demand, and 
price of production is regulated by the same agencies. We believe 
the continuance of these combinations to be inimical to the best 
interests of the people and likely, if not effectually checked, to prove 
subversive of the Government. We demand the proper and rigorous 
enforcement of the present anti-trust laws, and the adoption of such 
further measures as may be required to effectually check this great, 
menacing, national evil. We denounce the efforts of the Republican 
National Administration to injure the growing and important beet 
sugar industry of our State by unequal and unjust tariff arrangements 
entered into at the dictation of the sugar trust and designed for its 
advantage. 

INSULAR POSSESSIONS. 

Leaving to the courts of the United States the interpretation and 
construction of the Constitution, we nevertheless are in favor of 
securing to the inhabitants of our insular possessions the same 
personal and property rights as are guaranteed to the inhabitants of 
the several States by the Constitution, and to accord to them the 
same measure of civil and political liberty as it has been the practice 



20 

of our Nation to grant to the inhabitants of the territories thereof, 
taking care, however, that the final settlement of the Philippine prob- 
lem shall be such that the United States shall be freed from the 
existing danger of an enormous Oriental immigration therefrom. 
CHINESE EXCLUSION. 

We unqualifiedly favor the complete exclusion from all American 
territory of all Chinese, of either whole or mixed blood, according to 
the terms of the bill presented to Congress by the American Federa- 
tion of Labor and the California commission, and we denounce the 
Republican majority in Congress for their treason to the working 
people and the Pacific Coast in rejecting this bill and passing the 
present weak and inadequate law. 

ISTHMIAiM CANAL. 

We are in favor of the speedy construction of the Isthmian Canal 
and the taking of all such further measures as may be requisite to its 
earliest possible completion. 

ELECTION OF U. S. SENATOR BY DIRECT VOTE. 

We favor the election of United States Senators by the direct vote 
of the people. 

GOVERNMENT BY INJUNCTION OPPOSED. 

This must be a Government by law and not according to the will 
of officials. We, therefore, demand the enactment of laws, both State 
and Federal, prohibiting the issuance of injunctions in labor disputes 
infringing upon the rights of free speech, free assemblage, full freedom 
to organize and to quit work, and trial by jury, to the end that such 
rights may be maintained in complete integrity. 
LABOR ISSUES 

We favor the eight-hour day for public work, whether done directly 
or by contract. 

We favor the construction of Government vessels in the Govern- 
ment's navy yards, and we pledge our candidates for Congress to 
use every effort to secure the immediate construction of such a vessel 
at the Mare Island Navy Yard. 

We favor the establishment of a State Free Labor Bureau in con- 
nection with the State Bureau of Labor Statistics, to the end that 
the laborer seeking employment may be furnished with reliable 
information of sources of employment without cost. 

We recommend the amendment of the act relating to the employ- 
ment of State police for railroad and steamboat corporations, so that 
the privileges accorded corporations to employ special police for the 
enforcement of order shall not include the right to use an armed 
force under the pay of a private corporation in cases of labor diffi- 
culties which may arise between employers and their employees. 
PRISON-MADE GOODS. 

We are opposed to the present practice of purchasing State supplies 
partly or .wholly manufactured in State prisons, reformatories or 
asylums, and to prevent this practice we demand that such laws shall 
be enacted that the union label must necessarily be on all goods pur- 
chased by the State. 

BALLOT MACHINES. 

We favor constitutional amendment No. 14. which provides for local 
option in the use of ballot machines in the cities and counties of this 
State, as we believe it would tend to improve the conduct of elections. 
INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM. 

We favor the submission of a constitutional amendment providing 
for direct legislation by means of the initiative and referendum, in 
State, county and municipal affairs. 

YOSEMITE NATIONAL HIGHWAY. 

We condemn the inaction of the Republican members of Con- 
gress from California in failing to procure an appropriation for the 



21 

construction of a model highway leading into the Yosemite National 
Park, as recommended by the Yosemite National Park Commission. 
We pledge our nominees in Congress to an active effort to secure an 
appropriation for that purpose sufficient to secure the construction of 
a safe and easy highway leading into Yosemite valley, free to all. 
IMPROVEMENT OF NAVIGABLE WATERS. 

The waterways of the State, being the main distributing arteries of 
commerce, are of the first importance to our citizens. We demand of 
Congress a fulfillment of its obligation to the State to maintain our 
navigable waters in navigable condition, and that our Congressmen 
exert their utmost efforts to secure sufficient appropriations made for 
such purposes; and further demand that, after such appropriations 
are secured, they see that the same are actually used for the purposes 
for which they are made. 

STATE HIGHWAYS. 

We favor legislation providing for a system of permanent highway 
construction. Under existing laws over $2,000,000 are expended an- 
nually upon our roads, chiefly in making temporary repairs. We be- 
lieve that a portion of the money annually raised for road purposes 
should be used for permanent highway construction. 
STATE AND DISTRICT FAIRS. 

We favor liberal appropriations for the .maintenance of State and 
district agricultural fairs. 

We denounce Assembly Constitutional amendment No. 28, by which 
ASSEMBLY CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT NO. 28 DE- 
NOUNCED. 
it is proposed to take from municipalities and counties the control of 
water w^orks, lighting systems, street railroads, or any public utility 
whatever, and to vest in a State Commission to be appointed by the 
Governor the sole right to fix rates charged for public service. 

CIVIL SERVICE FAVORED. 

We favor the placing of all public appointments, State, county and 
municipal, which are not administrative in their nature, upon the 
competitive merit basis, and we strictly advocate the passage by the 
Legislature of such enactments, and the adoption of such constitu- 
tional amendment, as will be necessary to accomplish fully this 
reform. 

TAXATION SHOULD BE EQUAL. 

We believe that all public service corporations should bear their 
proportionate share of taxation, and that they should not be permitted 
to have one value for the purpose of fixing rates and another for the 
purpose of taxation. 

We believe the most important question now before the people of 
this State to be the assessment and taxation of corporate property, 
including franchises. The failure properly to assess this character 
of property is a crying evil, which throws upon the owners of real 
estate and the farming community undue and unjust burdens. 

We condemn the action of the Republican majority of the State 
Board of Equalization in not assessing railroad property in proportion 

MINING INTERESTS, 
to the assessments imposed upon the small property holder. 

We recognize in the mining interests of the Western States and 
Territories a factor of immeasurable prosperity. Believing that all 
mining claims will be endangered if pretended agriculturalists, under 
the guise of scrip locations, may be permitted to dispossess honest 
miners, we condemn as vicious and special legislation House bill 
14,898, now pending in Congress, and purporting to grant an appeal 
from the Secretary of the Interior to the Court of Appeals of the 
District of Columbia in contests arising under such scrip locations, and 



we earnestly urge our representatives in Congress to work for its 
defeat. 

Of the mining industries of this State, that of petroleum mining, 
although in its infancy, lias already become one of our greatest wealth- 
producing resources, and we commend the courage and industry dis- 
played by the petroleum miners of California. 

We recognize our indebtedness to them for the remarkable develop- 
' ment of this industry, and urge the defeat of all legislation having 
for its object the discouragement of a bona fide miner for petroleum 
or other mineral. 

We favor the creation by the general Government of a Department 
of Mines and Mining, the head of which shall be a member of the 
Cabinet. 

DEBRIS DAM S 
We favor continued liberal appropriations by the general and State 
Governments for the building and maintenance of barriers for the 
purpose of restraining the debris from mines and to protect the navi- 
gable streams of the State. 

STATE UNIVERSITY AND PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 
Realizing that the ultimate welfare of our commonwealth depends 
upon the education of its people, we favor the careful development 
of our public school system and the enactment of a practicable com- 
pulsory education law. 

We commend the officers of the University of California for the 
wise administration of the increased appropriations voted the Uni- 
versity by the last Legislature, particularly in their promotion of the 
investigations in dairying, irrigation and forestry, in the assistance 
rendered in the destruction of the peach moth, the grasshopper and 
other pests, the development of the farmers' institutes, the organiza- 
tion of the College of Commerce and the extension of University 
education throughout the State, and we pledge the nominees of our 
party to provide for the growing needs and functions of the University 
from permanent sources of revenue. 

AMENDMENT No. 4 ENDORSED. 
We indorse Senate Constitutional amendment No. 4, and recommend 
its adoption. 

We favor a management of State educational affairs that will give 
the public full value for money expended for school text-books and 
-more suitable and better books at less cost to the children. 
NATIONAL IRRIGATION. 
We rejoice at the passage o • a national irrigation bill. It was framed 
by a Democratic Representative and supported by Democratic votes 
in both Houses as a distinct party measure, in the face of the opposi- 
tion of the most conspicuous Republican leaders in Congress. We 
demand a much larger appropriation for this purpose in the early 
future. 

PROTECTION OF PUBLIC DOMAIN. 
We declare that the remainder of the public domain must be saved 
for the benefit of the American people, whose heritage it is. LTnder 
existing laws it is rapidly passing into the hands of private syndicates 
and corporations. 

STORAGE OF WATERS AND FOREST PRESERVATION. 
We declare that the storage of flood waters and the preservation of 
forests is the foremost economic question in California to-day. The 
early solution of this mighty problem is vital to the continued growth 
and prosperity of the commonwealth. 

To this end we recommend the retention by the State of all denuded 

forest lands acquired by means of delinquent tax sales and the purchase 

of such other lands by State authority under proper legal regulations. 

We are opposed to the private monopoly of public streams. We 

declare the ownership of water should vest in the user. 

We favor the creation of comprehensive public works for the storage 
of flood waters for the distribution of irrigation supplies and for the 
drainage of lands subject to overflow. 



Extracts from the Speech Delivered by Franklin K. Lane, 
at Los Angeles. 



My ambition is not to be the Gov- 
ernor of any section of the State or of 
any class, but of the whole State of 
California and of all its various sec- 
tions and classes. 

My sentiments are strongly with all 
those who work. I have believed 
from my youngest days, and do still, 
that econonjic conditions have not 
been so regulated as to give to the 
man who labors, his full proportion 
of the wealth which he produces. 
This is true, not only of those who 
are generally called the working class, 
and who are now organizing them- 
selves into unions, but it is true, as 
well, of those who labor on the farm, 
whether as farm owners or farm la- 
borers. We have seen the day in this 
country when the farmer himself or- 
ganized a union which culminated in 
a great political movement, the Gran- 
ger movement. There is no radical 
dividing line between those who work 
upon the soil and those who handle 
the products of farm and mine. There 
is no class that is more naturally in- 
terested in the prevention of labor 
troubles in our great cities than those 
who raise the fruit and the grain and 
the vegetables. It is a necessity for 
them that their products be shipped. 
The whole effort of the year may be 
lost in a single week by labor trou- 
bles for which the farmers themselves 
are in nowise responsible. It is to 
the farmer quite as essential as to the 
laborer that some one should sit in 
the chair of the Chief Executive 
whose sympathies shall be so broad 
as to appreciate the position of all 
classes in the great industrial strug- 
gles that may develop. The farmer 
and the workingman alike need some 
one at the head of affairs in the State 
who, with due regard to the constitu- 
•onal rights of all, will use the au- 
''■v and the dignity of his position 



to bring to a speedy termination such 
trouble as may develop. Such work, 
tending to bring about peace between 
capital and labor, cannot be done by 
one who has not the confidence of the 
laboring class. President Roosevelt 
said when he was elected an honorary 
member of the Brotherhood of Loco- 
motive Firemen, that he had never 
been asked by a labor union to do 
anything which, in good conscience, 
he could not do. I concur in this 
sentiment. The employer and the 
employee alike will find, in my opin- 
ion, that the organization of labor is 
of value to both. Organized labor is 
responsible labor. 

It must be remembered that we are 
now passing through a transition pe- 
riod to which we will have to accom- 
modate ourselves gradually, and I 
hope to be one of those who, in a 
political way, will do something to- 
ward working out the solution of the 
economic problems which face us. 
The solution cannot come through 
narrowness. The time is passed when 
the demands of the man who furnish- 
ed the labor to create wealth may be 
treated with indifference. We cannot 
say, let these alone, nor can we say, 
in all honesty, make this a govern- 
ment of any class. The great strug- 
gle of our time is against special priv- 
ileges, and if I understand the attitude 
of the fruit raiser and the farmer, it 
is also that of the laborer, namely, 
that special governmental privileges 
by which the few may become 
wealthy at the expense of the many, 
must be denied. The purpose of the 
government is to hold the scale of 
justice with even hand; to treat all 
alike; to do violence to the rights of 
none; and by insuring justice, and 
only justice, to the strong man, we 
will be certain that nothing less than 
justice shall be done the weak. 



ill \m 



017 137 949 

DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET 



Governor FRANKLIN K. LANE, San Francisco 

Lieutenant-Governor L B. DOCKWEILER, Los Angeles 

Chief Justice Supreme Court JOHN K. LAW, Merced 

Associate Justice Supreme Court... E. C. FARNSWORTH, Visalia 

Associate Justice Supreme Court D. K. TRASK, Los Angeles 

Secretary of State ALEXANDER ROSBOROUGH, Oakland 

Controller FREDERICK HARKNESS, Santa Barbara 

Treasurer SAM H. BROOKS, San Francisco 

Attorney-General WILLIAM A. GETT, Sacramento 

Surveyor-General CHARLES H. HOLCOMB, San Francisco 

Clerk of the Supreme Court. .LAWRENCE H. WILSON, Santa Rosa 

Superintendent of Public Instruction E. W. LINDSAY, Fresno 

Superintendent of State Printing E. I. WOODMAN, Sacramento 

CONGRESSIONAL NOMINEES. 

First District THOMAS S. FORD, Nevada City 

Second District THEODORE A. BELL, Napa 

Third District CALVIN B. WHITE, Oakland 

Fourth District E. J. LIVERNASH, San Francisco 

Fifth District WILLIAM J. WYNN, San Francisco 

Sixth District GASTON M. ASHE, Tres Pinos 

Seventh District CARL A. JOHNSON, Pasadena 

Eighth District WILLIAM E. SMYTHE, San Diego 

RAILROAD COMMISSIONERS. 

First District W. J. HASSETT, Sacramento 

Second District SAMUEL BRAUNHART, San Francisco 

Third District TIMOTHY SPELLECY, Bakersfield 

BOARD OF EQUALIZATION. 

First District 

Second District W. H. FRENCH, Alameda 

Third District R. H. BEAMER, Woodland 

Fourth District JAMES HANLEY, Los Angeles 



jr the 



